Germany, united in 1871 into an empire under the rule of Wilhelm I, embarked on the path to creating a colonial power. Leading German industrialists and financiers put forward a program of widespread expansion: in 1884–1885. Germany established a protectorate over Cameroon, Togo, South West Africa, territories in East Africa and part of the island of New Guinea.

William I

Germany's entry into the path of colonial conquest led to an aggravation of Anglo-German contradictions. To further implement its plans, the German government decided to create a powerful navy that could end Great Britain's naval dominance. As a result, in 1898 the Reichstag approved the first bill on the construction of the navy, and in 1900 a new bill was adopted that provided for a significant strengthening of the German fleet.

The German government continued to implement its expansionist plans: in 1898 it captured Qingdao from China, turning a small settlement into a fortress, and in 1899 it acquired a number of islands in the Pacific Ocean from Spain. The attempts made by Great Britain to achieve an agreement with Germany were unsuccessful due to the growing contradictions between them. These contradictions were further intensified in connection with the granting by the Turkish government in 1899, after the visit of Emperor Wilhelm II to the Ottoman Empire and his meeting with Sultan Abdülhamid II, to the Deutsche Bank of a concession to build the main line of the Baghdad Railway, which opened up a direct route for Germany through the Balkan Peninsula and Asia Minor to the Persian Gulf and provided it with important positions in the Middle East, which threatened Britain’s sea and land communications with India.

Wilhelm II

Abdulhamid II

Back in 1882, to establish its hegemony in Europe, Germany initiated the creation of the so-called Triple Alliance - a military-political bloc of Austria-Hungary, Germany and Italy, directed primarily against Russia and France. After concluding an alliance with Austria-Hungary in 1879, Germany began to seek rapprochement with Italy in order to isolate France. In the context of an acute conflict between Italy and France over Tunisia, Otto von Bismarck managed to persuade Rome to come to an agreement not only with Berlin, but also with Vienna, from whose harsh rule the Lombardy-Venetian region was liberated as a result of the Austro-Italian-French War of 1859 and the Austro-Italian War of 1866.

O. von Bismarck

Contradictions between France and Germany intensified due to the latter's claims to Morocco, which led to the so-called Moroccan crises of 1905 and 1911, which brought these European countries to the brink of war. As a result of Germany's actions, the unity of Great Britain and France only strengthened, which was manifested, in particular, in 1906 at the Algeciras Conference.

Germany tried to take advantage of the clash of interests between Great Britain and Russia in Persia, as well as the general differences between the Entente members in the Balkans. In November 1910, in Potsdam, Nicholas II and Wilhelm II personally negotiated issues relating to the Baghdad Railway and Persia. The result of these negotiations was the Potsdam Agreement, signed in St. Petersburg in August 1911, according to which Russia undertook not to interfere with the construction of the Baghdad Railway. Germany recognized Northern Persia as a sphere of Russian influence and committed itself not to seek concessions in this territory. However, in general, Germany did not succeed in separating Russia from the Entente.

As in other imperialist countries, Germany experienced a rise in nationalist sentiment. The country's public opinion was preparing to wage a war for the redivision of the world.

Italy, having fully united in 1870, did not remain aloof from the struggle for colonies. Initially, Italian expansion was directed to Northeast Africa: in 1889, part of Somalia was captured, and in 1890, Eritrea. In 1895, Italian troops invaded Ethiopia, but were defeated at Adua in 1896. In 1912, during the war with the Ottoman Empire, Italy captured Libya, later turning it into its colony.

Back in 1900, notes were exchanged between Italy and France on the latter's mutual recognition of Italian claims to Tripolitania and Cyrenaica, which were opposed by Austria-Hungary, and by Italy - French claims to Morocco. In 1902, an exchange of letters between the French Ambassador in Rome Barrere and the Italian Foreign Minister Prinetti concluded a secret agreement between France and Italy, which provided for the mutual neutrality of France and Italy in the event that one of the parties was the object of an attack or, due to a direct challenge, was forced take the initiative to declare war in defense.

Thus, despite the fact that Italy formally remained part of the Triple Alliance at the beginning of the First World War, colonial interests pushed its government, led by Antonio Salandra, to join the Entente and enter the war on its side in 1915.

A. Salandra

NOTES
Cm.: Tirpitz A. Memories. M., 1957.
Cm.: Yerusalimsky A.S. Foreign policy and diplomacy of German imperialism at the end of the 19th century. M., 1951.
Klyuchnikov Yu.V., Sabanin A.V. International politics of modern times in treaties, notes and declarations. Part 1. M., 1925, p. 241–242, 254–255, 267–268. Cm.: Skazkin S.D. The end of the Austro-Russian-German alliance. M., 1974.
Klyuchnikov Yu.V., Sabanin A.V., With. 241–242, 254–255, 267–268, 304–306. Cm.: Serova O.V. From the Triple Alliance to the Entente: Italian foreign policy and diplomacy at the end of the 19th – beginning of the 20th centuries. M., 1983.
New documents about the Alzheziras conference and the loan of 1906 // Red Archive. T. 1 (44). 1931, p. 161–165; International relations 1870–1918, p. 158–162. See: International relations in the era of imperialism. Ser. 2, vol. 18, parts 1–2. M.-L., 1938.
diplomacy. T. II. M., 1963, p. 698–703.
Collection of treaties between Russia and other states. 1856–1917. M., 1952, p. 405–407.
Cm.: Bulov B. German politics. P., 1917; aka. Memories. M.-L., 1935; German history in modern and contemporary times. T. 1. M., 1970.
Cm.: Popov V.T. The defeat of the Italians at Adua. M., 1938; Voblikov D.R. Ethiopia in the struggle to maintain independence. 1860–1960. M., 1961; Tsypkin G.V., Yagya V.S. History of Ethiopia in modern and contemporary times. M., 1989; Berkeley G.-F.-H. The campaign of Adowa and the rise of Menelik, N.Y., 1969.
Egorin A.Z. History of Libya. XX century M., 1999, p. 35–39. Cm.: Yakhimovich Z.P. Italo-Turkish War 1911–1912 M., 1967.
Egorin A.Z., With. 92–96.
Collection of treaties between Russia and other states. 1856–1917. M., 1952, p. 436–441. Cm.: Salandra A. Italy and the Great War. L., 1932.

Siberian State University of Telecommunications and Informatics

Topic: "First World War"

INTRODUCTION

In my work I chose the topic: "THE FIRST WORLD WAR".

I would like to remember that time, since few people now remember and are interested in those events. At the same time, without even knowing what was happening then, I decided to do something useful for myself by preparing this topic.

1. THE INTERNAL SITUATION OF RUSSIA BEFORE WORLD WAR 1

Over the past quarter century, economic growth has embraced all sectors of the national economy in Russia.

1881; 1904; 1913

The length of the railway network is 23,000 kilometres; 60,000 kilos; 70,000 kilos.

Iron smelting 35,000,000 poods; 152,000,000 pounds; 283,000,000 pounds

Coal mining 125,500,000 poods; 789,000,000 pounds; 2,000,000,000 pounds

Foreign trade turnover. RUB 1,024,000,000; RUB 1,683,000,000; 2.894.000.000 rub.

Number of workers - 1,318,000 members; 2,000,000 people; 5,000,000 people

The state budget reached - 3,000,000,000 rubles

Bread exports reached 750,000,000 poods

Due to economic growth, the well-being of the population has also increased. Over 20 years, from 1894 to 1913, deposits in savings banks increased from 300 million to 2 billion rubles. Consumer and credit cooperation developed widely.

Before World War I, Russia achieved great prosperity not only economically, but also in the field of culture; science, art, literature. Great strides have been made in the field of public education.

2. INTERNATIONAL SITUATION AHEAD OF WORLD WAR I

war economic economy international

The so-called “Eastern Question” has long attracted the attention of all “Great” and a number of “small” powers. Here the interests and aspirations of Russia, Austria-Hungary, Germany, France, Great Britain, Serbia, Bulgaria and Greece collided.

In addition, Russia considered it its sacred duty to protect the Orthodox peoples languishing under the Turks. For their part, the Slavs, not only the Orthodox, under the yoke of the Turks, but also Catholic Czechs, Slavs, Croats, forcibly annexed to Austria-Hungary, pinned all their hopes for liberation on Russia and expected help from it.

Russia also had other interests, purely practical ones. While all European states had free access to open, ice-free seas, the Muscovite state did not. Therefore, Ivan the Terrible, in order to achieve access to the Baltic Sea, started a war with Livonia, but it ended unsuccessfully, Peter 1 carried out the idea of ​​Grozny, but this solved the maritime problem only partially; the exit from the Baltic Sea could easily be closed by enemies. In addition, the Gulf of Finland freezes in winter.

Under Catherine II, Russia entered the ice-free Black Sea, but Turkey controlled the exit from it.

Russia, however, owned the Murmansk coast with ice-free bays, but access to them at that time was almost impossible. Therefore, the capture of the Bosporus and Dardanelles was considered our historical task.

As we have seen, the situation was tense, and, despite the fact that the Russian government took all possible measures to prevent a military clash, it could not be avoided.

The catalyst for new, much more powerful revolutionary upheavals in Russia was the First World War. In turn, this war was generated by a complex combination of underlying factors: material (geographical, demographic, economic) and subjective (national feelings and national identity, socio-political theories).

Having read in several books about the First World War, which began on June 15, 1914 in the city of Sarajevo, I came to the conclusion that the reason for the war was the murder of the heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne, Franz Ferdinand.

Blaming the Serbian national organization for this murder, on July 23, 1914, Serbia was given an Austrian ultimatum, the acceptance of which would essentially mean Belgrade renouncing part of its national sovereignty. Having not exhausted all possibilities for finding a compromise, Austria-Hungary broke off diplomatic relations with Serbia on July 25, 1914 and declared war on it three days later. And then a chain reaction began: on August 1, Russia and Germany entered the war, on August 3 - France and Belgium, and a day later - England. The warrior has acquired a global character.

Unlike the Japanese War, which was unpopular, the 1914 War caused an outburst of patriotism among the population. The war began in the name of protecting the same faith and blood of the Serbian people. For centuries, the Russian people have cultivated sympathy for their younger brothers, the Slavs. For the sake of their liberation from the Turkish yoke, a lot of Russian blood was shed. Stories and legends about this are still preserved among the people - only 36 years have passed since the last Russian-Turkish war. Now the Germans threatened to destroy the Serbs - and the same Germans attacked us.

On the day the manifesto was announced, a crowd of thousands gathered in front of the Winter Palace. After the prayer for the granting of victory. The Emperor addressed the people. He ended this address with a solemn promise not to make peace until at least one inch of Russian land was occupied by the enemy. When the Tsar stepped out onto the balcony, thunderous cheers filled the air and the crowd fell to their knees. At that moment there was complete unity between the king and the people.

With the announcement of mobilization, all strikes immediately stopped. The workers, who the day before had staged demonstrations, built barricades and shouted “Down with autocracy!”, now sang “God Save the Tsar,” carrying royal portraits.

To speak out against the war, to call oneself a defeatist or a Bolshevik meant to be beaten by a crowd of workers, and maybe even killed, recalls one of the Bolshevik workers.

% of those subject to conscription into the army came to their military commanders. Many of them refused the medical examination, stating that they were fit for military service and did not want to waste the time of the selection committee.

Zemstvo and city governments immediately took upon themselves assistance in servicing the sanitary and other needs of the army. Grand Duke was appointed Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Russian army. Nikolai Nikolaevich. He enjoyed enormous popularity, both in the army and among the people. There were legends about him; miraculous powers were attributed to him. Everyone believed that he would lead Russia to victory. Russia greeted his appointment to the post of Supreme Commander-in-Chief with delight. Not only the military subordinates to him, but also civilians, including ministers, respected and were afraid of him.

Vel. the prince was not just a military buff; he received a higher military education and had extensive experience - he went through virtually the entire military service, from a junior officer to the commander of the St. Petersburg Military District and the chairman of the State Defense Council.

Russia entered the war unprepared. But neither the government nor the high command was to blame for this. Since the Japanese War, much work had been done to reorganize and rearm the army and navy, which was to end in 1917; the war began three years earlier.

The territory of Russia is many times larger than the territory of both Germany and Austria-Hungary, and its railway network is much less developed. As a result, the concentration of the Russian army lasted about three months, while the German and Austro-Hungarian armies were deployed by the 15th day of mobilization. Therefore, the Germans, counting on the fact that Russia would not be able to provide timely assistance to its ally, decided to first defeat the French army and force it to capitulate, and then attack Russia with all their might.

With the outbreak of the war, three fronts arose in Europe: the Western Front, stretching from the banks of the English Channel to Switzerland, the Eastern Front - from the Baltic to the borders of Romania, and the Balkan Front, located along the Austro-Serbian border. Both opposing groups, along with military operations, were actively searching for new allies. Japan was the first to respond to this probing, entering the war on the side of the Entente at the end of August 1914. Its participation in the hostilities was, however, very limited. Japanese troops captured a number of Pacific islands belonging to Germany and Qingdao. They limited themselves to this. Subsequently, Japan worked to strengthen its position in China. Its only contribution to the Allied efforts in the subsequent period was that Russia did not have to worry about its Far Eastern border. In October 1914, Türkiye entered the war on the side of Germany. A front was formed in Transcaucasia.

The main events unfolded, however, on the Western and Eastern fronts. The German command planned to defeat France as soon as possible, and only then concentrate on the fight against Russia. In accordance with these plans, German troops launched a massive offensive in the West. In the so-called "border battle" they broke through the front and began an offensive into the interior of France. Trying to help its ally, Russia, which had not yet completed the full deployment of its forces, launched an offensive in East Prussia, which, however, ended in the defeat of two Russian armies.

In September 1914, the grandiose battle of the Marne unfolded, on the outcome of which the fate of the entire campaign on the Western Front depended. In fierce battles, the Germans were stopped and then driven back from Paris. The plan for the lightning defeat of the French army failed. The war on the Western Front became protracted. Almost simultaneously with the Battle of the Marne, major battles unfolded on the Eastern Front - in Poland and Galicia. The Austro-Hungarian army suffered a serious defeat in these battles, and the Germans had to urgently help their ally. With their help, it was possible to stop the advance of the Russian troops, but here the German command for the first time felt what it meant to wage a war on two fronts. By the end of autumn 1914, the situation on the Balkan front had also stabilized.

By the beginning of 1915, it became obvious that in reality the war was noticeably different in nature from how it was seen by the staff of the General Staffs of the great powers in the pre-war period. All participants in the war had to make serious adjustments along the way to their military strategy, socio-economic policy, and actions in the international arena. Due to the fact that the war had become protracted, it was extremely important for its main protagonists to enlist the support of new allies in order to break the existing balance of power in this way. In 1915, the scope of hostilities expanded due to the entry into the war of two new countries - Bulgaria on the side of Germany and Italy on the side of the Entente. However, these events failed to make fundamental changes to the overall balance of power. The fate of the war was still being decided on the Eastern and Western fronts.

In 1915, the Russian army began to experience difficulties caused by the fact that the military industry could not provide it with the required amount of ammunition, weapons and ammunition. Germany decided in 1915 to deliver the main blow in the East. In the winter and spring of this year, battles broke out throughout the Eastern Front. In Galicia, things were going well for the Russian troops. The Austrian troops suffered defeat after defeat, and the threat of complete defeat hung over them. In May, the Germans came to the aid of their ally, whose unexpected attack between Gorlitsa and Tarnow led to a breakthrough of the front and the forced withdrawal of Russian troops from Galicia, Poland and Lithuania. All summer our troops had to fight heavy defensive battles, and only in the fall did they manage to stop the German offensive.

Despite the huge losses suffered by all participants in the war, no one managed to reach a turning point during the fighting in 1915. As the warring sides became bogged down in war, the situation within these countries worsened. In 1915 Austria-Hungary, Russia, Germany, France, and partly England began to experience serious difficulties. This spurred their desire to quickly achieve success on the fronts; their strength was clearly depleted. In February 1916 The German command began its largest-scale offensive operation, trying to capture the strategically important French fortress of Verdun. However, despite colossal efforts and huge losses, German troops were never able to take Verdun. The Anglo-French command tried to take advantage of the current situation and launched a military campaign in the summer of 1916. a major offensive operation in the area of ​​the Somme River, where for the first time they tried to seize the initiative from the Germans. Around the same time, fierce fighting broke out on the Eastern Front - in Galicia, Bukovina, and in the foothills of the Carpathians. During this operation, the Austrian army was dealt a blow of such force from which it could no longer recover. Only emergency assistance from the Germans saved it from complete defeat. But this success also came at a high price for Russia. True, this was not felt immediately. At first, the course of the summer campaign of 1916. not only inspired optimism in Russian society and allies, but also significantly influenced those powers that had not yet determined their position. Thus, it was under the influence of these events that Romania made its choice: in August 1916, it entered the war on the side of the Entente. True, it soon became clear that Romania’s contribution to the overall efforts of the Entente was more negative than positive: its troops were defeated, and Russia had to hold a new front.

The enormous and at the same time ineffective efforts expended by both sides during the campaign of 1916 had a serious impact on their entire conduct. This was especially true for Germany. Its leadership was desperately looking for a way out of the dead end into which it had found itself. The search was conducted in several directions. The first thing the German command tried to accomplish was to turn the tide of hostilities by switching to “total war” using toxic substances, bombing and shelling of civilian targets, and unlimited submarine warfare. All this, however, not only did not bring the expected military results, but contributed to consolidating the Germans’ reputation as barbarians. In this situation, attempts to conduct secret soundings about the possibility of concluding a truce (general or separate) encountered additional difficulties. Moreover, constant attacks by German submariners on ships of neutral countries led to a worsening of relations with the last of the great powers that remained outside the war - the United States.

By the end of 1916, the situation in Russia had noticeably worsened. There were interruptions in the food supply to the population, prices rose, and speculation flourished. Discontent spread not only to the lower classes of society: it penetrated into the army and even into the ruling elite. The prestige of the royal family fell catastrophically. The situation in the country was quickly heating up. The Tsar and his inner circle showed a complete lack of understanding of what was happening, demonstrated rare political myopia and inability to control the situation. As a result, in February 1917, a revolution occurred in the country, leading to the overthrow of the tsarist regime. Russia has entered a period of prolonged social upheaval.

In this situation, the Provisional Government simply needed to immediately exit the war and focus on solving numerous and complex internal problems. However, this was not done. On the contrary, the new authorities declared that they would be faithful to the foreign policy obligations of the tsarist government. It was possible to proclaim this postulate, but to fulfill it was much more difficult, because the army began to fall apart before our eyes. Neither the Soldiers nor the officers simply understood what the new Russia was fighting for.

What happened in Russia worried politicians in all leading countries. Everyone understood that the events unfolding there would most directly affect the course of the war, and they thought about how to react to them. It was clear that overall this weakened the power of the Entente. This inspired optimism in the German leadership, which hoped that the scales had finally swung significantly in their favor.

However, in April 1917, when the United States entered the war on the side of the Entente, the situation not only leveled out, but also became more profitable for Germany’s opponents. True, at first this event did not bring tangible dividends to the Entente. The Allied spring offensive on the Western Front was drowned in blood. The attempt of an offensive by Russian troops in the South-Western direction in the Carpathian region ended in complete failure. The Germans took advantage of this bad luck and went on the offensive in the Baltic states. At the beginning of September 1917 they occupied Riga and began to threaten the actual capital of Russia - Petrograd. Meanwhile, tension was growing in the country. The Provisional Government was subjected to sharp criticism both from the right, from the monarchists, and from the left, from the Bolsheviks, whose influence among the masses began to grow rapidly. In the autumn of 1917 Russia has entered a phase of an acute systemic crisis; the country was on the verge of disaster. She was clearly no longer in the mood for “war to a victorious end.” On November 7 (October 25, old style) a new revolution took place in Russia. The center of events again became Petrograd, where power passed into the hands of the Bolsheviks. The new government - the Council of People's Commissars - was headed by V.I. Lenin. It immediately announced Russia's withdrawal from the war. As a matter of fact, the first two decrees of the new government - the “Decree on Peace” and the “Decree on Land” - largely predetermined the further course of events within the country.

Since the Soviet government's proposal for the immediate conclusion of a general peace was rejected by other Entente countries, it began negotiations with representatives of Germany and its allies. They took place in Brest-Litovsk in a very complex and contradictory environment. The Germans understood that the capabilities of the new government at this stage were extremely limited, and tried to use these negotiations to gain unilateral advantages. The most difficult negotiations continued until March 3, 1918, when, finally, a very difficult peace treaty for Russia was signed. Using harsh force, the Germans achieved the consent of the Soviet delegation to the annexation of Poland, Belarus, and most of the Baltic states. In Ukraine, an “independent” state, completely dependent on Germany, was created, headed by Skoropadsky. In addition to huge territorial concessions, Soviet Russia was forced to agree to pay indemnities.

Both then and today, this agreement was fiercely discussed in Russian society. Even within the party itself, a situation close to a split arose. V.I. Lenin himself called the Brest-Litovsk Peace Treaty “predatory,” “obscene.” Yes, indeed, for Russia it was a colossal humiliation. However, it was necessary to look at things soberly: there was simply no other way out in the current situation. The entire logic of previous events put the country in this position. She faced a dramatic choice: either accept the terms of this agreement or die.

While the fate of Russia, and in many ways the entire human civilization, was being determined in the east, fierce battles continued on other fronts. They walked with varying degrees of success. The defeat of Italian troops at the Battle of Caporetto in October 1917. was to a certain extent compensated by the successes of the British in the Middle East, where they inflicted a number of serious defeats on the Turkish troops. The Entente countries sought not only to achieve a turning point in purely military actions, but also to seize the initiative on the ideological front. In this regard, the key role belonged to US President William Wilson, who in January 1918. delivered his famous message, which went down in history as “Wilson’s 14 Points.” It was a kind of liberal alternative to the “Peace Decree” and at the same time the platform on which the United States intended to carry out a post-war peace settlement. The central provision of Wilson's program was the creation of the League of Nations - an international peacekeeping organization. However, in order to begin to implement these plans, victory in the war still had to be achieved. There the scales were steadily tipping towards the Entente. Despite Russia's withdrawal from the war, Germany's position continued to deteriorate. Within the country, starting in January 1918, the strike movement began to grow rapidly, the food problem sharply worsened, and a financial crisis was looming. The situation at the front was no better. The inclusion of the United States in the military efforts of the Entente guaranteed its troops a reliable advantage in terms of logistics. In such a situation, time was clearly working for the Entente,

The German command was keenly aware of this general, unfavorable vector of development for its country, but still did not lose hope for success. Realizing that time was working against them, the Germans in March-July 1918. made several desperate attempts to achieve a turning point in the military operations on the Western Front. At the cost of huge losses that completely depleted the German army, it managed to approach Paris to a distance of about 70 km. However, there was no longer enough strength for more.

July 1918 the allies launched a powerful counteroffensive. Then came a new series of massive attacks. The German army was no longer able to hold back the advance of the Entente troops. At the end of October 1918 It became clear even to the German command that defeat was inevitable. September 29, 1918 Bulgaria left the war. October 3, 1918 A new government was created in Germany headed by Prince Max of Baden, a supporter of the “peace party.” The new chancellor turned to the leaders of the Entente with a proposal to begin peace negotiations based on Wilson's 14 points. However, they preferred to first completely defeat Germany, and only then dictate peace terms to it.

The war has entered its final phase. Events developed rapidly. On October 30, Türkiye left the war. At the same time, General Ludendorff, known as an opponent of any negotiations, was removed from the leadership of the German army. In October 1918, the Austro-Hungarian Empire began to fall apart like a house of cards. By the time November 3, 1918. it officially capitulated, this state actually no longer existed. A revolution broke out in the country, and independent national states began to emerge in place of the former multinational empire.

Germany still continued to fight, but even here a revolutionary explosion was brewing. November 3, 1918 A revolt of naval sailors broke out in Kiel. The uprising quickly grew into a revolution that swept away the monarchy. Kaiser Wilhelm II fled to Holland. On November 10, power passed to the Council of People's Representatives, headed by one of the leaders of the Social Democrats, Ebert, and the next day Germany capitulated.

The war ended, but never before have the victors been faced with such large-scale problems related to the post-war settlement and the formation of a new model of international relations.

CONCLUSION

In this work, I talked about the main events that took place during those difficult years of the war. The books I chose hardly differed in the events that took place at that time. It’s very good that I live in the wrong time, since today’s events are being resolved peacefully, without leading to too acute conflict situations.

Bibliography

1. Novikov S.V., Manykin A.S. and others. General history. Higher education. - M.: LLC Publishing House "EXMO", 2003.-604s
2. AND I. Yudovskaya., Yu.v. Egorov, P.A. Baranov, etc. STORY. The world in modern times (18970-1918): - St. Petersburg: "SMIO Press"
3. Yu.V. Izmestiev., Russia in the 20th century. Historical sketch. 1894-1964. publishing house "ROLL CALL".

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IN 1905–1914 There was a further aggravation of contradictions between the leading world powers. The German threat to the colonial possessions of England and France contributed to the strengthening of the Franco-Russian alliance and forced England to seek rapprochement with Russia. In the ruling circles of Russia, two groups have emerged on foreign policy issues - pro-German and pro-English. Nicholas II showed indecisiveness. Ultimately, he supported the line of rapprochement with England, which was greatly facilitated by the influence of France, Russia’s ally and main creditor, as well as Germany’s claims to the Polish and Baltic lands. In February 1907, three conventions between Russia and England were signed in St. Petersburg, delimiting spheres of influence in the East. These agreements, in fact, completed the formation of the military-political bloc of the Triple Entente countries - France, England, Russia. At the same time, Russia did not want to aggravate relations with Germany. In July 1907, a meeting between Nicholas and Wilhelm took place, at which it was decided to maintain the status quo in the Baltic Sea. In 1910, at the next meeting, a verbal agreement was reached that Russia would not support the anti-German actions of England, and Germany would not support the anti-Russian steps of Austria-Hungary. In 1911, a Russian-German treaty was signed on the delimitation of spheres of influence in Turkey and Iran. The Balkan Wars (1912–1913) exacerbated the contradictions between the Triple Alliance and the Entente, which fought for allies in the Balkan Peninsula. The Entente supported Serbia, Greece, Montenegro and Romania, the Austro-German bloc supported Turkey and Bulgaria. Relations between Serbia and Austria-Hungary became especially strained. The first was supported by Russia, the second by Germany.

The last pre-war years were marked by an unprecedented arms race. Germany completed its military program by 1914. After another coup in Turkey, pro-German forces came to power, which led to the strengthening of German positions in this region. Germany began to actually control the Black Sea straits. In mid-June 1914, Emperor Wilhelm advised Franz Joseph to take advantage of any opportunity to attack Serbia. The Austro-German bloc counted on Russia's unpreparedness for war and on England's neutrality. The reason for the outbreak of world war was the murder of the heir to the Austrian throne by Serbian nationalists.

Russia in World War I

P The First World War was of an aggressive nature: the countries of the Entente and the Triple Alliance participating in it fought for the redivision of the world, for spheres of influence. Russia's position was no exception. Its interests extended to the territory of the Balkans, as well as to the Black Sea straits and Constantinople. Owning them provided the opportunity for free access to the Mediterranean Sea. In addition, the struggle was against German economic expansion.

The Russian government counted on a quick and victorious end to the war, so military reserves were prepared for a three-month campaign. In response to Austria-Hungary's aggression against Serbia, on July 30, 1914, Nicholas II announced mobilization.

Announcement August 1, 1914 The war by Germany caused a rise in national-patriotic sentiments in Russian society, which led to the unity of the people and the authorities. The revolutionary movement that began in 1912 sharply declined; opposition factions in the State Duma (except for the Bolshevik) spoke out for full support of the government. This state of social harmony did not last long. Already in 1915, after the first defeats of the Russian army, conflicts between the autocracy and the opposition resumed.

Major operations on the Eastern Front.

1914 East Prussian operation (4(17) August – 2(15) September). The goal of the operation was to defeat the 8th German Army with enveloping attacks from the flanks, to capture East Prussia in order to develop an offensive deep into German territory. The lack of coordination between the actions of the Russian armies (General P.K. Rannenkampf and General A.V. Samsonov) led to the defeat and withdrawal of the Russian troops. 50 thousand soldiers were captured and killed.

Battle of Galicia (5(18) August – 8(21) September). It became one of the largest events of the war: fighting took place on a front stretching 400 km. The losses of Austria-Hungary amounted to 400 thousand people, Russia - 230 thousand. Russian troops managed not only to repel the offensive of four Austro-Hungarian armies in Galicia and Poland, but also to create a threat of invasion of Hungary and Silesia. The enemy failed to impose a “blitzkrieg” on Russia and achieve decisive successes already at the initial stage of the war.

Warsaw-Ivangorod operation (September 15 (28) - October 26 (November 8)). Saving the Allies from complete defeat, Germany transferred troops to Upper Silesia and also launched an attack on Ivangorod and Warsaw. Almost half of the Russian forces took part in repelling the offensive. As a result, the German offensive was stopped and the enemy was thrown back to their original positions.

Lodz operation (October 29 (November 11) – November 11 (24). The command of the German army tried to encircle and destroy the 2nd and 5th Russian armies in the Lodz area. The Russians managed not only to hold out, but also to push back the enemy.

1915 In winter, Germany went on the defensive on the Western Front and transferred the main military operations to the Eastern Front. Its main task was to lead Russia out of the war. Already in the winter campaign of 1915, up to 50% of all the armed forces of Germany and Austria-Hungary were directed against Russia. In May, Russian troops left Galicia. By the end of the 1915 campaign, Russian troops were forced to leave significant territories: Poland, part of the Baltic states, Western Ukraine and Western Belarus. By the end of the year, the front passed along the line Riga - Dvinsk - Baranovichi - Pinsk - Dubno - Tarnopol.

1916 Naroch operation (5(18) – 16(29) March). The need for this operation was caused by the desire to ease the situation of the French in the Verdun area. The operation was not successful, but the Germans were forced to transfer about four divisions to the Eastern Front.

Brusilovsky breakthrough (May 22 (June 4) – July 31 (August 13)). Russian forces under the command of General A.A. Brusilova made a powerful breakthrough of the front in the area of ​​Lutsk and Kovel, in a short time occupied Bukovina and reached the passes of the Carpathian Mountains. The Austro-Hungarian troops were defeated, their losses amounted to 1.5 million people. Austria-Hungary was on the verge of complete defeat and withdrawal from the war. To save the situation, Germany removed 34 divisions from the French and Italian fronts. Russian troops lost about 500 thousand people.

Mitavsk operation (December 23–29 (January 5–11, 1917)). The offensive of Russian troops in the Riga area was unexpected for the Germans. Nevertheless, they not only stopped the Russian 12th Army, but also forced it to retreat from its previous positions. For Russia, the Mitavsky operation ended in vain. 23 thousand people were killed, wounded and captured.

1917 June offensive (16(29) June – 15(28) July). Undertaken by the military command of the Provisional Government along the entire front. Due to a decline in discipline and growing anti-war sentiment among the troops, it ended in complete failure. Losses amounted to about 30 thousand people.

Riga operation (August 19 (September 1) – August 24 (September 6)). Offensive operation of German troops with the aim of capturing Riga. On the night of August 21 (September 3), the 12th Russian Army left Riga, losing about 25 thousand people.

It should be noted that the Eastern Front played the role of a “savior” for the Western Front. This was the case in 1914, when, at the request of the allies, without completing mobilization, Russian troops launched an offensive in East Prussia, which ended with the death of General Samsonov’s army. The activity of the Russians forced the German command to make adjustments to A. von Schlieffen's plan and transfer troops from the Western Front, which helped the French win the Battle of the Marne and save Paris. Turkey's entry into the war on the side of Germany and the closure of the Black Sea straits actually cut off Russia from world markets and placed it under economic blockade. The years 1915–1916 can be considered unsuccessful for the Russian army. With the exception of the successful offensive in May–June 1916 in Galicia (Brusilovsky breakthrough), all attacking operations of Russian troops ended in heavy losses and failure. Already in 1915, Lithuania, Poland and Galicia were occupied by enemy troops. However, the situation was not hopeless. While reserves were being prepared in the rear, the Russian army successfully held the front until mid-1917, preventing the enemy from entering the central provinces.

The reasons for military failures are related to the general socio-economic situation of Russia. The main reason is the inability of Russian industry and transport to meet the needs of the front (in 1915, the supply of Russian artillery with ammunition was only 10%). At the initiative of the public, the Central Military-Industrial Committee (MIC) was created in May 1915, headed by A.I. Guchkov (see Military-industrial committees), who was involved in the distribution of military orders between large enterprises. The joint activities of the military-industrial complex, the All-Russian Zemstvo Union and the All-Russian Union of Cities (Zemgor), created in July 1915, contributed to improving the supply of the army and medical and sanitary affairs by the end of 1916 - beginning of 1917. Large reserves of weapons and ammunition were created. The activity of public organizations emphasized the inability of the official authorities to organize the conduct of the war and the supply of fuel and food to large cities. “Ministerial leapfrog”, influence at the court of G.E. Rasputin, the inability of the autocrat, who was at headquarters in Mogilev, to quickly govern the country - all this undermined the authority of the authorities. At a meeting on November 13, 1916, the Duma regarded the government’s activities as “stupidity or treason” and demanded that the Tsar create a new cabinet responsible not to him, but to the Duma.

After the overthrow of the autocracy, in June 1917, the Provisional Government tried to organize an offensive at the front. Due to the decline of military discipline, this offensive ended in complete failure. The inability to wage war, as well as the desire of the Bolshevik government to remain in power by any means, led to the signing March 3, 1918 the humiliating Treaty of Brest-Litovsk with Germany. On this day, Russia's participation in the First World War ended.

OPINIONS OF HISTORIANS

About the influence of the First World War on the socio-political situation in Russia.

This issue does not give rise to alternative approaches, however, representatives of numerous historical schools focus on various aspects of the identified problem. Thus, Soviet historians consider the current situation in Russia solely from the standpoint of its usefulness for the revolution. The hardships of the war exacerbated social contradictions that were not resolved by the government after the revolution of 1905–1907. The war gave weapons to the proletariat and peasantry, which made it easier to carry out an armed uprising. The unsuccessful conduct of hostilities, the protracted nature of the war and numerous casualties contributed to the decline in the authority of the authorities, the aggravation of class contradictions and the growth of discontent among broad sections of the population. All of the above aspects helped the revolutionary party turn the “imperialist war into a civil war.”

Without denying the statements of historians of the Marxist school, modern historical science focuses on the moral aspects of the problem. Analyzing documents of that era, researchers come to the conclusion that the First World War tore millions of people from their natural environment, turned them into marginalized people, and taught them to kill. Human life has become devalued, people have become accustomed to death and suffering. Only a strong social organism could cope with this situation and return the people to normal life. The Russian state was not like that. The horrors of war led many prominent politicians from the liberal and revolutionary camps to the idea that the old world, which gave rise to these horrors, had exhausted itself.

Before the First World War, Germany, according to a number of economic and political indicators, was among the most industrialized countries in Europe. Ultimately, the military construction and active offensive foreign policy of Wilhelm II and his entourage largely contributed to the slide of the state into World War II. Otto von Bismarck, who created the Second Reich (small - without Austria) with “iron and blood”, largely satisfied the long-existing need for uniting Germans under one roof. After this, his task was to eliminate the danger of a war on two fronts, which he considered obviously losing for the state. He was haunted by the nightmare of coalitions, which he tried to eliminate by categorically refusing to acquire colonies, which would inevitably significantly increase the danger of armed conflict when clashing with the interests of the colonial powers, primarily with England. He considered good relations with her to be the key to Germany’s security, and therefore directed all his efforts to solving internal problems. Bismarck, like Stein, Metternich and Leibniz before him, felt responsible for the course of history and understood the dangers of total war. But this was not perceived by him or his supporters as a need to change the existing state of affairs, but only as a threat to this order. In 1888, Emperor William I died and was replaced by his son, a supporter of the English constitutional system, liberal-minded Anglomaniac Frederick III, married to the eldest daughter of Queen Victoria. He was terminally ill with throat cancer and reigned for only 99 days. Nietzsche rightly considered his death “the greatest and fatal misfortune for Germany.” With the death of Frederick III, hopes for a peaceful and liberal Germany in the center of Europe disappeared. Frederick was replaced by the neurotic, poser and dreamer Wilhelm II, who hated his mother and everything English so much that immediately after the death of his father he put his mother under house arrest. He was convinced of of its historical significance and, moreover, devoid of a sense of proportion, full of pompous arrogance and petty pickiness. William was unable to benefit from the traditional British policy of Splendid Isolation. His uncle, King Edward VII of Britain, called him “the most brilliant failure in all German history.” At the beginning of his career as head of state, Wilhelm claimed the title of “social emperor” and even intended to organize an international conference to discuss the situation of workers. He was convinced that a mixture of social reform, Protestantism and, in a certain proportion, anti-Semitism could distract workers from the influence of the socialists. Bismarck opposed this course because he believed that trying to make everyone happy at once was absurd. However, the universal suffrage he introduced led to the fact that not only the socialists, but also the majority of officials, politicians, military men and businessmen did not support him, and on March 18, 1889, he resigned. At first, society was inspired by the words of the Kaiser: “The course remains unchanged. Full speed ahead." However, soon many began to understand that this was not so, and disappointment set in, and the personality of the “Iron Chancellor”, even during his lifetime, began to acquire mythical features. The era that began under William I is called in the West the “Wilhelminian” (German: Wilgelminische Ära) and was based on the unshakable foundation of the monarchy, the army, religion and faith in progress in all areas. Wilhelm's global claims were supported by Admiral Tirpitz (1849-1930), who was keen on the idea of ​​competition with the “mistress of the seas” Great Britain. He was a capable, knowledgeable, energetic officer with the gift of a demagogue. He organized an unprecedented, nation-wide campaign to build a Navy, which was supposed to be twice the size of Britain's fleet and oust it from world trade. All classes of the country supported this idea, including the socialists, since it guaranteed many workers places and relatively high salaries. Wilhelm willingly supported Tirpitz not only because his activities were fully consistent with his global claims, but also because they were directed against parliament, or rather its left wing. Under him, the country continued the seizure of territories that began under Bismarck and against his will, mainly in Africa and showed interest in South America. At the same time, Wilhelm came into conflict with Bismarck, whom he fired in 1890. Lieutenant General von Caprivi became Chancellor. (Leo von Caprivi), head of the Admiralty. He did not have enough political experience, but he understood that a powerful fleet was suicide for the state. He had the intention of following the path of social reforms, limiting imperialist tendencies, and reducing the outflow of emigrants, mainly to the USA, which amounted to 100,000 people a year. He tried in every possible way to promote the export of industrial goods, including to Russia in exchange for grain. By this, he aroused the dissatisfaction of the agrarian lobby, which was the backbone of the German economy and insisted, back in the days of Bismarck, on a protectionist policy. The imperialist layers were dissatisfied with the policy pursued by the chancellor, questioning the expediency of the exchange of Zanzibar for Heligoland, carried out by Bismarck. Caprivi made attempts to reach a consensus with the socialists, primarily with the SPD party, influential in the Reichstag. Due to the resistance of the extreme right and the Kaiser, he failed to integrate the Social Democrats (whom Wilhelm called “a gang of bandits who do not deserve the right to be called Germans”) into the political life of the empire. In 1892, a rapprochement between Russia and France began, first on military issues, and the following year a trade agreement was concluded. Russia has stated that for those states that do not grant Russia MFN status, import tariffs will be raised by 20 to 30 percent. In response to this, the upper house of the German parliament raised tariffs on Russian goods, including grain, by 50%. In turn, Russia has practically closed its ports to German ships, significantly raising port fees. The Russian fleet visited Toulon in 1893, and after that a military treaty was concluded with France. Since Germany was Russia's most important trading partner, this tariff war was detrimental to the economies of both countries, and therefore already in 1894 ended with a mutual agreement to provide each other with most favored nation treatment. But the military alliance with France remained in force. In 1892, the Prussian Minister of Education made a proposal to reform the school by increasing the influence of the church on it, which reflected the opinion of the Kaiser and the center parties and was aimed at maintaining traditional values ​​against newfangled trends such as socialism. But the liberals managed to win under the banner of the struggle against the infringement of academic freedom. This cost Caprivi his post as prime minister and Botho Wendt August Graf zu Eulenburg, an extreme conservative, became prime minister. The order of combining the posts of chancellor and prime minister that existed under Bismarck was violated, which led to fatal consequences. Two years later, Eulenburg introduced into the upper house (Bundesrat) the “Anti-Revolutionary Bill,” which obviously could not pass in the Lower House (Reichstag). The Kaiser, fearing a palace coup, fired both. This Bill caused a fierce debate in the newly built Reichstag building (1894) between representatives of the authoritarian state and the right wing of liberals on the one hand and supporters of the democratic style of government characteristic of parliamentary democracy on the other. At the same time, this meant that Wilhelm no longer portrayed himself as a “social Kaiser” and stood on the side of representatives of industrial capital, managing his enterprises in the same way as a junker manages his estate. Strike participants were subject to imprisonment and any movements towards socialism were suppressed. Anti-socialists and anti-Semites gained a foothold in the government. However, there was no unity among the right. Finance Minister Miquel created a coalition of right-wing forces under the slogan of “concentration policy” (Sammlungspolitik) of farmers and representatives of industry, who often had different goals. Thus, industrial circles supported the construction of canals, which Wilhelm himself was a supporter of, but this was opposed by farmers who feared that cheap grain would flow through these canals. These disagreements served as an argument in favor of the fact that Germany needed socialists, if only to ensure the passage of laws in the Reichstag. Significant differences with Bismarck's traditions also became apparent in the field of foreign policy, which accompanied the emergence of German imperialism. Bernhard von Bülow, who became Foreign Minister in 1897, declared in parliament: The time when the Germans left Germany for neighboring countries and left only the sky above as their property is over... We are not going to keep anyone in shade, but we ourselves demand a place in the sun. Having become chancellor in 1900, he managed to get parliament to finance the naval construction program. In 1895, the construction of the Kaiser Wilhelm Canal (Kiel Canal) was completed and the German fleet was able to quickly move to the Baltic Sea from the North Sea and back. In 1906, the British built the battleship Dreadnought. Immediately making the battleships of the whole world obsolete. At the same time, the Kiel Canal became too narrow for dreadnought-type ships. And this put the German navy in an exceptionally difficult situation. Tension began to arise in society, caused, on the one hand, by an uncritical belief in limitless technological progress and, on the other, a fear deeply embedded in the ideology of the bourgeoisie that the situation could suddenly and in the near future change for the worse. The idea of ​​a new race of people, which arose in Nietzsche’s sick brain, who would build a new world on the ruins of the old, took root and was not forgotten. In 1907, with the conclusion of an agreement in St. Petersburg, the formation of the Triple Military Alliance was completed between Russia, France, which unexpectedly quickly strengthened after the defeat in the Russo-Japanese War, and concerned about the growth of the German naval fleet and England was forced to emerge from isolation, which, at the suggestion of the French prime minister, received the name (French. l'Entente cordiale ("cordial consent")). This alliance (Entente) was directed against the states of central Europe - Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy (which had a secret agreement with France and eventually withdrew from this agreement) At the meeting of William II and Nicholas II in Björkö (Koivisto), an agreement was reached on mutual assistance if one of the countries is attacked. It was assumed that France would also join this agreement. Quickly realizing the absurdity of these expectations, Russia took back its promises. The German elite considered this an insult and began preparing for war.
In 1909, Theobald von Bethman Hollweg became Reich Chancellor, trying to ensure England's neutrality in a war that he considered so inevitable that he did not support a plan to build defensive structures in the east, where his estate was located. He believed that in the near future it would fall into the hands of the Russians. In February 1912, English Prime Minister Lord Haldane visited Berlin, promising that in a future German war, England would remain neutral if the Germans reduced their shipbuilding program. And this in Germany was also taken as a national insult. In the same year, Serbia and Bulgaria, with Greece and Macedonia joining them, began to oust Turkey from Europe. This was enthusiastically supported by Russia. For Austria-Hungary, the success of this activity was even more dangerous than the presence of the Turks, since the Serbs could create a naval base in the Mediterranean. Bethmann Hollweg warned Russia that it was playing with fire. The British said they would not tolerate a German attack on France. An independent state was created - Albania, which blocked Serbia from the sea. The logic of events led to a European war

Bismarck Alfred Tirpitz Leo von Caprivi Boto zu Eulenburg Bernard von Bülow Theobald Bethmann von Hollweg

Martin Kitchen. The Cambridge Illustrated History of Germany:-Cambridge University Press 1996 ISBN 0-521-45341-0 Results of the Second World War. Sat. articles edited by general-m. N. I. Soboleva. Preface. M.: Publishing House Foreign Literature. 1957. Die Bilanz des 20. Jahrhunderts. Harenbergs Kommunikation Verlags-und Mediengesellschaft mbH & Co.KG, Dortmund 1991. ISBN 3-611-00199-6

History of Russia from ancient times to the end of the 20th century Nikolaev Igor Mikhailovich

The international position of Russia before the First World War

In 1905–1914 There was a further aggravation of contradictions between the leading world powers. The German threat to the colonial possessions of England and France contributed to the strengthening of the Franco-Russian alliance and forced England to seek rapprochement with Russia. In the ruling circles of Russia, two groups have emerged on foreign policy issues - pro-German and pro-English. Nicholas II showed indecisiveness. Ultimately, he supported the line of rapprochement with England, which was greatly facilitated by the influence of France, Russia’s ally and main creditor, as well as Germany’s claims to the Polish and Baltic lands. In February 1907, three conventions between Russia and England were signed in St. Petersburg, delimiting spheres of influence in the East. These agreements, in essence, completed the formation of the military-political bloc of the Triple Entente countries - France, England, Russia. At the same time, Russia did not want to aggravate relations with Germany. In July 1907, a meeting between Nicholas and Wilhelm took place, at which it was decided to maintain the status quo in the Baltic Sea. In 1910, at the next meeting, a verbal agreement was reached that Russia would not support the anti-German actions of England, and Germany would not support the anti-Russian steps of Austria-Hungary. In 1911, a Russian-German treaty was signed on the delimitation of spheres of influence in Turkey and Iran. The Balkan Wars (1912–1913) exacerbated the contradictions between the Triple Alliance and the Entente, which fought for allies in the Balkan Peninsula. The Entente supported Serbia, Greece, Montenegro and Romania, the Austro-German bloc supported Turkey and Bulgaria. Relations between Serbia and Austria-Hungary became especially strained. The first was supported by Russia, the second by Germany.

The last pre-war years were marked by an unprecedented arms race. Germany completed its military program by 1914. After another coup in Turkey, pro-German forces came to power, which led to the strengthening of German positions in this region. Germany began to actually control the Black Sea straits. In mid-June 1914, Emperor Wilhelm advised Franz Joseph to take advantage of any opportunity to attack Serbia. The Austro-German bloc counted on Russia's unpreparedness for war and on England's neutrality. The reason for the outbreak of world war was the murder of the heir to the Austrian throne by Serbian nationalists.

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